A Holiday Blueprint for Economic Resilience
The imbalance didn’t start with factories or tariffs. It started when the West outsourced the very idea of making things. At some point—pick your decade—we got used to opening boxes stamped with countries whose histories we barely knew, and we treated that convenience as harmless. A feature of globalization. A win-win. Don’t think too hard about it.
But every December the imbalance becomes impossible to ignore. You walk through any mall in America—what’s left of them—and Christmas looks like an export event from someone else’s industrial base. The lights, toys, packaging, ornaments, artificial trees, electronics, clothing, batteries, chargers. Almost nothing in the scene was made where the scene takes place. It’s a holiday about birth and renewal, carried almost entirely by supply chains we don’t control.
This isn’t a religious point. It’s a sovereignty point.
And sovereignty is exactly what the West is losing.
Economists talk about “global value chains” like a neutral map. It’s not a map. It’s a ledger, and right now the numbers add up to a quiet form of dependency. You feel it when a port shuts down and shelves go bare. You feel it when a semiconductor plant in Taiwan sneezes and your entire economy gets a cold. You feel it when your country’s most important holiday becomes, inadvertently, the strongest reminder that you don’t actually build the world you live in.
There’s a surreal quality to it. A culture celebrates itself using another culture’s manufacturing capacity. A season of generosity built on a supply line that could snap for reasons that have nothing to do with goodwill.
And maybe the strangest part: we barely treat it as a strategic problem.
So here’s my proposal: Take back Christmas.
Not in the culture-war sense. Not in the “put Christ back in Christmas” sense. And definitely not in the nationalist sense.
Take it back in the self-sufficiency sense.
Use the holiday as the annual reminder that a nation—any nation—needs the ability to make things. Real things: toys, tools, decorations, lights, electronics, clothes, small appliances. The stuff you touch a hundred times a day without noticing. The stuff that quietly teaches you whether you’re self-sufficient or not.
Imagine if the month of December became a global, nonpartisan audit of national capability. A collective check-in: What do we need? What can we still produce? What have we surrendered? How vulnerable are our traditions to external leverage? Instead of debating which cups should be offered in a coffee shop, we’d debate what percentage of seasonal goods were made within our own borders—or at least within alliances that share governance norms.
Call it a Holiday Resilience Index. It’s corny, but the alternatives are worse.
Countries wouldn’t be guilted into it. They’d be incentivized. You want stable supply? Lower strategic risk? More diverse trade partners? More internal employment? You want to be able to celebrate your own cultural traditions without checking container ship backlogs in Shenzhen? Then treat Christmas—not the religion, not the nostalgia, but the infrastructure of the holiday—as an annual systems test.
There’s a deeper reason this works: holidays are emotional. They cut through political static. Economists can write 80-page reports about trade dependency and no one will care. But tell a country that the toys under the tree might not arrive because a geopolitical rival throttled port access, and suddenly attention clears.
This is how you coordinate without coercion. You attach the abstract concept of “industrial base restoration” to the most tangible moment of the year. You use the holiday to teach a civic lesson: that the ability to make things is not a luxury, but a survival trait.
And you don’t limit the lesson to one nation. Europe needs this. The U.S. needs this. Latin America needs this. Africa needs this. Any region that has become comfortable with permanent trade deficits needs it most. The point isn’t to isolate China. The point is to stop depending on China for the basic artifacts of cultural life.
A competitive world isn’t dangerous because someone else gets stronger. It’s dangerous because you forget how to stay strong yourself.
The objection comes fast: Isn’t this just protectionism in disguise? Not if you design it right. The goal isn’t to punish imports. Imports are fine. Dependencies are not. The test is simple: Can your society survive a supply disruption without losing its cultural self?
If the answer is “no,” then you’re not participating in globalization. You’re being carried by it.
Another objection: Why Christmas? Isn’t that parochial? Maybe. But every country has a holiday that works the same way—a moment when culture, identity, and goods converge. Diwali, Lunar New Year, Eid, Carnival, Golden Week. The specific holiday doesn’t matter. The instinct does.
A holiday is a mirror that shows you who’s really in charge of your material life.
None of this stops China from celebrating its own holidays or building its own strength. None of it demonizes its people or culture. The problem isn’t China. The problem is the West’s learned helplessness.
Christmas is the cleanest place to reset that.
You don’t need war. You don’t need tariffs. You don’t need slogans. You need a shared seasonal ritual: this year, we make more of what we used to import. You bring local craftsmanship back. You bring new factories online. You diversify suppliers. You treat “Made Here” not as nostalgia but as strategic insulation.
And you make it annual—not a one-time policy push, but a rhythm.
In twenty years, December could feel different. Not because the gifts change, but because the story behind them does. Kids would grow up knowing that Christmas wasn’t just about receiving things, but about the country’s ability to stand on its own legs. Adults would feel the difference in the stability of supply, the reliability of markets, the lowered geopolitical risk. Economists would track the metrics. Families would feel the payoff.
A holiday becomes a civic technology.
And maybe that’s the real point. Not reclaiming Christmas from commerce or culture wars, but reclaiming it from fragility. Reclaiming it as a benchmark of national endurance.
Take back Christmas—not from each other, but from the illusion that dependence is harmless.
If we don’t, the holiday will still arrive—but it may feel thinner in meaning over time. Not a collapse, just a quiet erosion: more uncertainty in the supply chain, more volatility in cost, more traditions shaped by forces far outside our borders. That’s the real risk—not an empty tree, but a slow drift away from the ability to support the cultural rituals we assume are permanent.
The world is getting more competitive. Holidays can help us remember how to endure it.
A personal step: When you shop for gifts this year, pause for a beat and notice where they were made. Let the choice register. Then go one inch further: ask yourself whether the purchase strengthens or weakens the world you want to live in. None of us can rebuild a production base alone, but we can build the habit of noticing. And habits—scaled across millions of people—are how nations rediscover their footing.